AN EMPIRICAL REVIEW OF COMMUTING BEHAVIOUR OF COMMERCIAL PUBLIC TRANSPORT PASSENGERS IN LAGOS METROPOLIS
- Project Research
- 1-5 Chapters
- Quantitative
- Correlation
- Abstract : Available
- Table of Content: Available
- Reference Style: APA
- Recommended for : Student Researchers
- NGN 3000
Background of the Study
Travel behaviour refers to how individuals travel in public spaces using all modes of transportation and for all purposes. Some of the things that individuals desire to do are separated by space, which necessitates travel. They make travel decisions based on possibilities, limits, habits, and opportunities. Travel behaviour includes, for example, how individuals go to work (by vehicle, bus, subway, or foot), the time they depart, and the length and kind of stops they make along the route.
The widespread usage of private automobiles in metropolitan areas has a substantial influence on both the environment and human health. Despite the fact that technological advancements like as catalytic converters and fuel-efficient engines have reduced pollution per vehicle, environmental advantages have been lost due to the increased usage of private automobiles (National Committee for Agenda 21, 1997). Other growing issues include auditory pollution, road accidents, excessive land usage, and natural resource depletion. (Bawa-Allah2017)
An attitude is generally characterised as a psychological construct made up of emotional, cognitive, and behavioural components that may be used to describe human evaluative reactions (Obalowo 2017). The Theory of Reasoned Action by Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) was a game changer as an universal attitude model for forecasting action. According to the idea, voluntary conduct could be anticipated by the intention to behave, which was defined by the attitude toward the activity plus a subjective standard. However, the hypothesis has been critiqued for being too restricted, as most activities are not voluntary (Eagly and Chaiken, 1993). Ajzen (1988) responded to the criticism by proposing the Theory of Planned Behavior, which includes perceived control over actual behaviour as a factor. Although this theory is widely accepted (Ajzen, 1991), Eagly and Chaiken (1993) have proposed that attitude toward the goal, habits, and results from norms and self-identity may also be important in improving the prediction of actions from attitudes.
Already in the early 1970s, environmental issues were identified as a crisis of maladaptive behaviour. It was also recognised that environmentally appropriate human behaviour patterns were necessary to overcome the difficulties (Stern and Oskamp, 1987). The most frequently mentioned attitude is environmental concern, which is a broad aversion to environmental degradation (Fadare, O. (2019). According to Gagnon-Thompson and Barton (1994), environmental concern is driven by either a genuine concern for nature as such or a concern for nature as a human resource. Early study indicated that, to some extent, environmental concern will determine activities supporting a sustainable environment (Fadare 2019). Another element that appeared to be important for pro-environmental behaviour was the perceived threat of environmental deterioration (Campell, 1983; Schmidt and Giord, 1989; Baldassare and Katz, 1992; Fridgen, 1994).
Knowledge of the environmental effect of human activities has also been proposed as a motivator for action by Krause (1993) and Gamba and Oskamp (1994).
More complete models for predicting pro-environmental behaviour have also been created in the field of environmental psychology (Hines et al., 1986/1987; Hungerford and Volk, 1990; Axelrod and Lehman, 1993; Geller, 1995; Grob, 1995; Stern et al., 1995). Several studies, based on models that include both effective and cognitive components, appear to indicate that environmental knowledge is less important than attitudes in predicting pro-environmental behaviour (Hines et al., 1986/1987; In these studies, feelings of control, efficacy, or empowerment aspects of the behaviour were successfully introduced). Other variables being addressed right now include social and financial expectations of behaviour consequences. However, the relationships between attitudinal components and pro-environmental behaviours appear to be quite complicated, and as evy-Leboyer et al. (1996) demonstrate, care is required, particularly when extending results from one culture to another. Variations in a wide variety of pro-environmental behaviours might be explained by risk perception, subjective knowledge, or municipal attitudes in their research of sub-samples from six European nations.
Traveling in an environmentally responsible manner appears to be one of the most challenging pro-environmental habits to encourage in Nigeria (Lind en, 1994; Widergren, 1998). Cars account for approximately 50% of all travels inside metropolitan areas, with the majority of them being fewer than five kilometres long (Solheim and Stangeby, 1997). Several arguments have been advanced to explain the private car's dominance. The automobile is connected with time savings, comfort, mobility, and personal space (Malmberg, 1980; Tengstrom, 1992). Such characteristics of the vehicle have served it well in urban development (Herbert and Thomas, 1990). The vehicle has also become crucial in the lives of vast groups of people in our culture, making it indispensable for everyday activities (Gnarling et al., 1984; Berge and Nondal, 1994).
For multiple generations, both men and women have driven for a long time, and automobile driving is continuing on the rise (Nynabb, 1995). On the other hand, Swedes, like the rest of Europe, are worried about the environmental consequences of transportation (Worcester, 1993). According to Gooch (1995), a countrywide study, 60% of Nigerians saw air pollution from transportation as a severe environmental concern. Kuller and Laike (1993) explored the acceptability of various traffic limits as well as their perceived intrusion. Based on the comparison of acceptance and intrusion ratings, these scientists hypothesised that, in addition to selfish motivations, there may be genuine care for the environment. Verplanken et al. (1994) hypothesised that, whereas attitudes may influence early transportation choices, this link fades as the decision becomes routine. According to Ljungblom (1980), information regarding the environmental pollution generated by automobile driving may be difficult for the public to absorb since this knowledge is undermined by commercials that glorify the car. Gustavsson (1993) found that even when individuals knew how to drive to limit pollution, factual awareness of the implications of traffic pollution was poor. In our pilot study, we discovered no link between factual knowledge and travel behaviour (Nilsson, 1993a).
However, Gnarling and Sandberg (1990) found that increasing air pollution reduced automobile driving in a scenario analysis where the degree of pollution was changed. It is possible that personal experience with environmental concerns is a significant predictor of pro-environmental conduct (Finger,1994). According to Cvetkovich and Earle (1992), specialists see environmental threats differently than the general public because experts' judgements are based on facts to a higher extent.
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